Emma Rowe

Can we trust AERO’s independence now?

What do you get when governments pour millions of taxpayer dollars into a charity with the power to shape what happens in Australian classrooms? You get the Australian Education Research Organisation (AERO) – and with it, the risk that private and commercial interests can steer future directions in education policy and research. Defenders of AERO are quick to claim that it is trustworthy because it is a “publicly funded, independent body”. But in a complex education system where these words carry popular sway, it’s worth asking: independent from what, exactly?

The lowdown on AERO’s status and structure

AERO’s structure is different from other national education bodies that also receive public funding. For example, the Australian Curriculum Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) is an independent statutory authority established by legislation. It takes direction from Australia’s education ministers. That’s quite different from AERO, which is a not-for-profit company limited by guarantee.

AERO’s members include all the ministers of education. Back in 2020, they agreed in principle to invest $50 million in AERO over four years, with the Australian Government to fund half, and the combined state and territory governments to fund the other half. Australia’s Education Ministers take advice from AERO. 

This is how AERO has achieved power and influence over education reform.

If AERO is publicly funded, why is it also registered as a charity?

There are several strategic, financial, and legal advantages to registering as a charity with the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission (ACNC). Being officially registered can signal legitimacy and build public trust. Also, many government and philanthropic grants require ACNC registration and in some cases, Deductible Gift Recipients (DGR) status. 

The ACNC requires registered charities to report regularly to maintain their registration and eligibility for tax concessions. All registered charities must submit an Annual Information Statement within 6 months after the end of their reporting period. This statement must include information about responsible persons, the organisation’s activities during the year, beneficiaries served, financial information, and information that satisfies governance standards compliance. 

A large charity like AERO, with an annual revenue over $3 million must provide financial statements that comply with Australian Accounting Standards Simplified Disclosures, and an auditor’s report. These are published on the ACNC website.

Make no mistake, AERO has influential and cashed up backers

To truly understand AERO, it is important to understand its origins. In 2014, the UK Education Endowment Foundation (EEF) began funding ‘Evidence For Learning’ (owned by Social Ventures Australia or SVA, a venture philanthropic organisation). It was asserted that SVA’s ‘Evidence For Learning’ was a ‘pilot’ for AERO. Social Ventures Australia advocated and lobbied for AERO over a period of ten years. 

In 2016, then Treasurer Scott Morrison commissioned a formal inquiry into the ‘National Education Evidence Base’ via the Productivity Commission. The draft Productivity Commission report explicitly recommended modelling a new education evidence body on the UK Education Endowment Foundation, which would ‘leverage’ the work of Social Ventures Australia. The final Productivity Commission report was more tentative, although the Education Endowment Foundation features prominently and is upheld as a model institution.

In 2018, EEF launched a five year project titled ‘Building a Global Evidence Ecosystem in Teaching’. This was part of its ‘what works’ approach and the stated goal was to establish:

EEF-style organisations in partner countries to act as evidence brokers and encourage the adoption of evidence-based policy at a national level.

AERO was established shortly afterwards in 2020. The ‘expert board’ and directors that were appointed reflected these origins closely. For instance, the former CEO of EEF (Sir Kevan Collins) sat on AERO’s expert board for a long time, as did former SVA directors and donors. However, these connections with the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF) were never made explicit for the public.

Perhaps these connections are tenuous, but AERO’s approach to education ‘evidence’ inevitably mirrors the Education Endowment Foundation’s ideologies about ‘what works’ in education. As stated in AERO’s commissioned report, AERO is part of the “what works” movement.

The ‘what works’ movement promotes similar ideas, solutions and reform agendas. It is behind the push for the implementation of ‘cognitive science’ in the classroom and sees randomised controlled trials (RCTs) as best research practice. 

The ‘what works’ network does a good job of presenting itself as independent, while promoting contested but marketable ideas with flow-on benefits for private and commercial interests.

What does AERO’s status as a registered charity mean?

AERO is registered under the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission (ACNC), with DGR status under Australian Tax Law. This means it is eligible to receive tax deductible donations, including from corporate philanthropy.

Registered charities are also allowed to engage in issue-based advocacy and influence public policy. AERO does this by leveraging its network of think-tanks, bloggers and podcasters, who amplify key messages. 

Some of the biggest brands in education research are registered charities

There are several research organisations that are registered as charities in Australia, but only some receive government funding. Some – like the Grattan Institute – acknowledge their supporters and indicate the amounts received on their websites. This sort of transparent disclosure builds public trust and accountability. It also makes it easy to evaluate whether certain funders or ideological leanings may be driving the sort of research they do and reforms they support. However, such disclosures are currently voluntary and some organisations – like The Centre for Independent Studies – choose not to identify donors.

We compiled the table below from publicly available financial statements lodged with the ACNC. This enables readers to compare how key organisations earned revenue in the financial year ended 30 June 2024 (the most recently published reporting period).

Revenue by organisation, FY 2023-2024

CharityTotal RevenueGovernmentGoods and ServicesDonations and BequestsInvestmentsOther
AERO$22,691,616.0094%1%0%5%0%
ACER$110,325,209.000%99.6%0%0.2%0.2%
The Centre for Independent Studies$5,144,419.000%14%84%2%0%
Grattan Institute$5,809,856.001%13%43%43%0%

AERO vs ACER: Compare the pair

The Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) seems to offer a close alternative to AERO.

On its website, ACER describes its mission as being “to create and promote research-based knowledge, products and services that can be used to improve learning across the lifespan”. ACER has a reputation for producing robust and nuanced analyses of Australian students’ performance on international assessments like the OECD PISA and the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study. Many teachers will be familiar with the Teacher magazine and podcast series as media for sharing research insights and practical guidance with teachers. 

A key difference between AERO and ACER is the level of government investment and oversight. ACER reported $0 revenue from the government – almost all (99%) of its revenue was generated by providing goods or services to the education sector. 

Scrutiny is a public duty

While AERO operates under its own Constitution and is governed by a Board of Directors, its origin story and affiliations prompt questions whether it is fully independent.

In this context, scrutiny over what value for public money is being delivered is essential.


Carly Sawatzki, senior lecturer, and Emma Rowe, associate professor, are education researchers in the School of Education at Deakin University and in the Centre for Research for Educational Impact (REDI). Carly researches the teaching of critical economic and financial literacies at school. Emma won a DECRA 2021–2024. Her research is interested in policy and politics in education.

How can we advance research-informed policy?

This is the third day in our series of posts on AARE’s education priorities for the 2025 federal election. Today’s posts are about research-informed policy.

The Australian Association for Research in Education (AARE) is recommending five key education priorities for the next term of federal parliament. One of these recommendations is research informed policy. Education policy should be informed by rigorous and robust research and draw on the latest research findings to deliver high functioning and inclusive education.

The rise of ‘knowledge brokers’

The recommendation that policy is informed by research comes in the context of a  considerable increase of ‘knowledge brokers’ or ‘intermediary organisations’. This includes global organisations such as the OECD, the World Bank, and in Australia, the Australian Education Research Organisation (AERO) and Social Venture Australia’s Evidence For Learning.

Knowledge brokers often work in networks. For example, the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF) established the ‘Evidence for Education network’, and as part of this network, funded ‘Evidence for Learning’ (as owned by Social Venture Australia). Evidence for Learning distributes EEF’s ‘evidence based’ toolkits. It also served as a ‘pilot’ for the Australian Education Research Organisation (AERO). The Australian Education Research Organisation works with other knowledge brokers, such as ‘The Centre for Evidence and Implementation (CEI)’ (as was demonstrated in the Strong Beginnings Report). Their role is to ‘broker’ knowledge, advance reform agendas, build ‘evidence’ to support particular agendas and influence policy. They often share similar reform agendas, such as an emphasis on ‘what works’.

A ‘knowledge broker’ is an important role because they can effectively leverage large-scale and systemic policy change, sometimes with questionable knowledge bases.

The risks of knowledge brokers

Knowledge brokers are typically non-state actors, although in the case of AERO we can see a blurring of this divide (AERO is funded by the government, but also builds revenue from goods and services, and is working towards private/philanthropic funding).

Researchers have pointed to particular strategies of knowledge brokers in influencing reforms, as seen from other contexts such as the United States. For example, in relation to school voucher programs in the US, these programs were principally based on ‘evidence’ that the voucher programs resulted in improved student academic performance. But this shifted when so-called ‘gold standard’ studies (randomized controlled trials) showed large, negative impacts.

When this occurred, the advocacy simply changed its messaging in order to emphasize other objectives of the program. This highlights the role that knowledge brokers can play in supporting or advocating as based upon particular ideological agendas.

Actors within these organisations often represent particular knowledge fields and expertise. For example, many are drawn from consultancy fields. It is rare for actors to be drawn from the education field, with the exception of teachers from Teach For Australia. They tend to represent ‘incentivist’ ways of thinking; that is, support agendas to increase profit-making and commercialisation in schools.

‘Purchasing’ evidence

A risk of ‘knowledge brokers’ is less transparency in terms of whom interests they are represented and obscuring vested interests (we often don’t know who is funding which organisation). A further potential risk is a declining role of traditional research (such as peer-reviewed research), although this is not always the case.

The risk of these organisations is that the role they perform is to ‘purchase’ evidence and provide legitimacy for reforms. They typically outsource goods and services for profit. Whilst many claim they are ‘neutral’ or ‘bipartisan’, this is to be questioned.

Of course we should be cautious of simultaneously romanticising university researchers. There have been cases where university researchers have been ‘purchased’ or paid off to support particular products (e.g. Coca-cola, cigarettes, the fossil fuels industry).

How can we advance research informed and evidence-based policy?

As academics, we could possibly learn from knowledge brokers.

Many of these organisations argue that education research is irrelevant, inaccessible, too jargonistic or abstract. And rather than feeling affronted by this, it is possible that academics endeavour to leverage it in order to better influence education policy.

It is true that academics may be guilty of only writing for academic audiences (e.g. prestigious academic journals). Our work may be difficult or costly to access. It may be written in inaccessible ways for time-poor policy makers. It is not about ‘dumbing down’ work but writing for different audiences.

Knowledge brokers are packaging their work in very appealing ways that prioritise time efficiency and accessibility. 

Bringing research to the public in high-impact ways

This is something for university researchers to take on, in terms of writing for the public and engaging with the public, in order to bring their research to the public in high-impact ways.

It may mean writing or speaking in different formats and for different mediums such as newspapers, blogs or social media, and responding to topical issues. 

In Australia, we are lucky to have highly respected education researchers. An article published in Higher Education Research and Development Journal, found that “most Australian universities are performing above the world average in educational research. Australian universities perform especially well on citation indicators, with more than 75% of universities performing above the world average.”

In this respect, we do have a great deal of expertise within universities without resorting to think-tanks or knowledge brokers, who do not make their finances or funding apparent.

We should also be critical when it comes to the reforms that these organisations are actively promoting and pushing. As evident in the most recent ‘Strong Beginnings’ report, which advocates for ‘brain science’, this is very much aligned with the thinking of think-tanks like Centre for Independent Studies and the Education Endowment Foundation. These actors tend to share advocacy strategies for particular reform agendas. 

Emma Rowe is an associate professor in the School of Education, Deakin University. She is a recipient of the Australian Research Council Discovery Early Career Researcher Grant (DECRA) 2021–2024 and was a Fulbright Postdoctoral Scholar (2020) at Indiana University. Her research is interested in policy and politics in education.

AARE 2022: That’s a wrap for a spectacular conference

It goes without saying that it’s been a difficult few years for in-person conferences. I’m sure many of us had high hopes for AARE 2022 and it certainly delivered spectacularly! From the excellent opening session on Monday morning, through all the presentations I was lucky enough to catch, to the opportunities to connect with colleagues old and new, I couldn’t fault anything (ok maybe too much cake at morning tea but a small price to pay for a lovely few days). As an early career researcher it was encouraging to see many just-graduated PhDs present their research, to audiences containing not only their supervisors, but also the many others who attended their presentations. The sense of community was certainly apparent.

It is challenging for ECRs to step into the realm of national research conferences. It takes a while to figure out whether you’re conferencing in the right way or not. AARE 2022 was the first in-person conference I’ve attended, having completed my entire PhD during COVID-19 lockdowns and travel restrictions. I’d heard about the generative nature of these events but I had to experience it first-hand to see how productive they can be. Everyone I met and talked with over the few days – no matter their role, position or length of time in the industry – was welcoming, encouraging and interested in the future of education research in Australia. If AARE 2022 is anything to go by, the future of our field is looking very strong.

My personal highlights included:

  • The welcome to country by Uncle Mickey: Thank you. We were so welcomed to Kaurna country and the theme of knowledge sharing permeated the days of the conference.
  • Professor Allyson Holbrook’s outgoing presidential address which prompted me to reflect on the uniqueness of a PhD undertaken in the field of education. We are rare indeed. Supporting the progress and career development of our current PhD students, and attracting more people with educational qualifications to pursue research will be an ongoing – but necessary – challenge.
  • The City West Campus of UniSA was a really spectacular location: I didn’t get lost even once! The weather was perfect and the outdoor spaces allowed many serendipitous meetings not possible in online conference format. Huge congratulations and thanks should go to all those who helped organise such an excellent event. 

Finally, the many individual talks interposed by themed symposiums are always the ultimate highlight of an in-person conference. In the following section I’ve drawn together some threads emerging from several different presentations that I observed during the 2022 AARE conference.

The missing link: Considering the agency of parents in the Australian educational landscape

I think it was Emma Rowe who had a beautiful metaphor about pulling the threads of seemingly different phenomena and watching how they unravelled (Day 2, Politics and Policy in Education symposium). In a similar vein I’d like to pull out some threads from multiple presentations in disparate streams and try to capture something missing. 

First the presentations: In the Day 3 Sociology of Education stream, Jung-sook Lee and Meghan Stacey from UNSW spoke about their work looking at perceptions of fairness in relation to educational inequities. The researchers presented a fictional scenario to a sample of almost 2000 Australian adults in which ‘students from high-income and low-income families have achievement gaps due to different quality of education provided to them’ (from the abstract). The scenario identified a situation where better-quality teachers for children from high-income families led to better educational outcomes for these children.

Interestingly people with children either currently in school or soon to attend school were less likely to perceive this scenario as unfair.

Prompted by the concluding questions proposed by the authors, audience discussion turned to the issue of why people – and parents in particular – might hold this oddly contradictory opinion. We pride ourselves in Australia (apparently) on being proudly egalitarian. The Gonski reviews (both the first and the second) were largely positively received in the Australian community. Yes! Of course children should have equitable access to educational resources. #IgiveaGonski. 

So why might the idea of educational equity not apply when considering the educational experiences of our own children? Why would it be ok, in the perceptions of the survey respondents, that some children get a better deal because their families have the capacity to pay for it?

The second presentation in the Schools and Education Systems stream (also Day 3) was that by Melissa Tham, Shuyan Huo and Andrew Wade from Victoria University. The study used data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Youth (LSAY) and demonstrated that attendance at academically selective schools has apparently no long-term benefits for students attending these schools. The authors looked at a range of outcomes including university participation and completion, whether participants were employed, and life satisfaction at age 19 and again at age 25. None of these differed for students who had attended selective schools versus those who had not. 

The discussion again turned to the question of why parents are invested in sending their kids to academically selective schools if there’s no observable long-term benefit of doing so. [Of course, academically selective schools always top the rankings for the ATAR each year, but this is likely because the kids in these schools are already high-achievers, not because the selective schooling system adds value to their educational experience]. Indeed, there may be considerable medium-term disadvantages for some students in contexts where kids are grouped together in hothouses of ultra-competitiveness. 

A third paper that I wasn’t able to attend on Day 4 in the Social Justice stream touched again on the question of whether a private school education adds any value to educational outcomes (broadly defined). The authors Beatriz Gallo Cordoba, Venesser Fernandes, Simone McDonald and Maria Gindidis, looked at the way differences in Year 9 NAPLAN numeracy scores between public and private schools were related to funding inequities between these contexts, rather than school quality differences. While the abstract argued that ‘the increasing number of parents sending their children to private schools has been a growing trend causing controversy’, I am inclined to think that if equity is not the foremost consideration for parents in their school decision-making, then it’s not a controversy for them. Like all of us, parents want the best for children. It just so happens that they may make different decisions when it’s their own children (real and concrete as they are), rather than other people’s children (in the abstract).

Anecdotally, people are aware that there’s no academic benefit to these kinds of schools – neither the academically selective type nor the financially selective type. Earlier this year in The Conversation we summarized research showing no advantages to sending children to private schools when NAPLAN results are considered as an ‘outcome’. Apart from being roundly criticized once or twice for the apparently obvious findings, the thousands of comments we received on social media channels and on the website largely indicated that parents weren’t thinking of academics when they paid for a private education for their kids. But if not academics then what? And if we ostensibly believe in equity until it’s our kids in the mix then do we really believe it at all?  What is going on with parents’ decision-making that means these kinds of contradictory decisions are being made about their children’s schooling? 

This brings me (finally!) to my point: it felt like the missing thread drawing these disparate research papers together is the influence of parents. After all, which is the largest group of stakeholders in this game after teachers and children themselves? I think we downplay the influence of parents in the education of children at our peril. We can train teachers to be absolute superstars, we can lobby governments for more equitable funding allocations and better conditions for teachers, we can study cognitive development and how children learn in schooling contexts, we can work on inclusion, fairness and tolerance among students in school communities. But I wonder: if the influence of parents is not directly and explicitly confronted in research that examines educational inequities, policy or social justice (whether the influences are positive or negative), do we have a confounding variable problem? And if so, how can this be resolved?

No offence intended to the (possibly multiple) papers at AARE 2022 that did consider the role of parents in the education of their children. In particular among the presentations that I wasn’t able to catch on the final day was an intriguing one in a Politics and Policy symposium entitled ‘The construction of (good) parents (as professionals) in/through learning platforms’ presented by Sigrid Hartong and Jamie Manolev. Secondly, Anna Hogan presented her work in the Philanthropy in Education symposium, examining the changing role of Parents and Citizens (P&C) organisations in public schools. The findings of this work show how ‘parents are now operating as new philanthropists, solving the problem of inadequate state funding through private capital raising’ in public schools (from the abstract). I’m looking forward to papers for both of these studies in the near future! 

Postscript

These last few years have been challenging times for researchers in many fields, but maybe particularly so for education. Oftentimes it seems as though we move in totally different realms to the governments that make educational policy and the school sites which contain the teachers and students we are interested in supporting. The rise of research agencies external to universities (e.g. the Grattan Institute, the Centre for Independent Studies and AERO) or those subsumed within government departments (e.g. the Centre for Educational Statistics and Evaluation) may mean that our research work is sidelined or ignored, particularly when the findings are not immediately applicable or contradictory to national narratives of educational decline. 

AARE 2022 has reinforced to me the quality and depth of the research that is happening in universities across Australia in many diverse subfields of educational scholarship. I found out so much that I did not know before: and perhaps this in itself is a challenge for us. We know that our work is important and to whom it should apply. We can see the value in each other’s work when we attend conferences and allow the space to connect, discuss and imagine. How then do we ensure this value is recognised not only by the wider community, but also by all the teachers, early childhood educators, policymakers, parents and young people who are both the subjects and potential beneficiaries of our research?

Sally Larsen is a Lecturer in Learning, Teaching and Inclusive Education at the University of New England. Her research is in the area of reading and maths development across the primary and early secondary school years in Australia, including investigating patterns of growth in NAPLAN assessment data. She is interested in educational measurement and quantitative methods in social and educational research. You can find her on Twitter @SallyLars_27

Labor proposes a new $280m Evidence Institute for Schools, but where is the evidence we need it?

The Australian Labor Party recently announced it would invest $280 million to fund a new educational research institute if it wins the next federal election. The Deputy Opposition Leader, Tanya Plibersek said Labor’s proposed Evidence Institute for Schools would “take politics out of the classroom” and be “independent of government”. She also said the new institute would “put an end to decades of ideological battles about school education”.

According to mainstream media the idea was warmly welcomed by several education stakeholders, including by the President of Australian Primary Principals Association who said there is currently “no one place” he could go to for “valuable independent, peer-reviewed research” in Australia, and the director of the Grattan Institute, Peter Goss, who was reported in The Australian as saying that there is “not enough education research in Australia” and “an independent body is the way to go”.

You would be forgiven for believing that Australia is lacking high-quality independent research in education. But the evidence says quite the opposite.

In the current policy environment, which claims to be ‘data-driven’ and evidenced based, Labor’s proposal for a new ‘independent’ educational research institute seems lacking in credibility.

Evidence that we are already producing world-class independent educational research

World Rankings

The evidence is Australia produces some of the best education research in the world. Work by education researchers in Australia impacts education practice both here and internationally. According to world rankings such as the Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) World University Rankings we have five universities in the top 30 ranking universities in the world for education research and eight in the top fifty. Compare that with the United Kingdom for example. The UK has more than twice the number of university departments of education, but with four in the top 30 and seven in the top fifty. On the world stage, Australia punches above its weight in terms of quality education research.

These rankings are based on quality independent peer-reviewed research produced by university education departments, as judged by world-leading scholars.

Above average in educational research

An article published in Higher Education Research and Development Journal, found that “most Australian universities are performing above the world average in educational research. Australian universities perform especially well on citation indicators, with more than 75% of universities performing above the world average.”

Our education research is highly regarded around the world. Take for example research by Australians Lingard and colleagues on a ‘rich tasks’ approach to assessment, which has informed curriculum development in Singapore and also in Scotland’s “Curriculum for Excellence”. Or Gale and Parker’s research on university student transition in Australia ,which has been used by the University of Edinburgh to develop an Academic Transitions Toolkit for use by lecturers and also by Quality Assurance Agency (QAA) Scotland to develop a Student Transitions Map. And there are lots more examples like these. So, to say that Australian education research is non-existent, not well regarded internationally or not transferrable into policy and practice is purely ideological. It is not based on the evidence.

The threat of political interference in the proposed research institute    

But what happens if we ignore the evidence and establish a not-so Evidence-Based Institute anyway? So-called independent research bodies have been established in other countries, such as in the United Kingdom and in the United States (e.g. The Institute of Education Sciences).

One potential threat of these ‘independent’ research bodies is that a political party can essentially ‘purchase’ research to support their desired political agenda. Education policies may be established with very little reference to research that exists outside of the Institute. They can also impose one particular way of doing research as the ‘gold standard’. That is what’s happening in the UK with the government-sponsored Education Endowment Fund, with its exclusive bent for random control trials, despite these being discredited in the social world of education.

The effects of this political interference in education research is concerning for the future of education in countries like Australia. For example, independent research has shown that current reforms into the initial teacher education sector in Australia is based on highly questionable data and tends to be dominated by cherry-picking of out-dated reports. The prevailing logic of teacher education policy is now very clearly ideological rather than based on the research evidence.

The money could be better spent

We also need to consider the ramifications for education and schools. The expenditure of $280 million towards an evidence institute for schools—when we already have some of the best research in the world—will divert much needed funds away from schools.

In an environment that is consistently calling for increased funding for under-resourced schools, it is questionable whether this large sum of money is being more attentive to political agendas, than paying attention to more pressing concerns for parents and students—over-subscribed schools and under-resourced schools. The Sydney Morning Herald recently reported that there has been “a record number of demountable classrooms pop up around public schools, with more on the way”.

It is difficult to support this amount of funding being diverted into external institutes, given the pressing need for greater resourcing in our neediest schools and especially when we already have the infrastructure to produce quality research.

It is true that increased funding for schools will not guarantee improved performance. But research has consistently demonstrated the relationship between ‘resource rich’ environments and school performance. Education researcher Jeanne M Powers found that school performance is positively correlated with the level of resources within a school, including ‘qualified teachers, sufficient and up-to-date textbooks, and adequate, safe facilities’. Further research in this area refers to ‘resource-rich and ‘resource-poor’ schools, stating that ‘resources and school performance are positively correlated’ .

It is essential that funding is driven into the classroom, rather than away or outside of the classroom, as much as possible. When it is driven away from the classroom, this becomes a larger problem around effective distribution.

The United States of America is an excellent example of demonstrating this distributional problem. The US maintains high expenditure, but low results on standardized tests. It spends more per student than most countries in the OECD:

For example, Estonia and Poland, which spend around US$40,000 per student, perform at the same level as Norway, Switzerland and the United States, which spend over US$100,000 per student. Similarly, New Zealand, one of the highest performing countries in reading, spends well below the average per student.

In spite of their high expenditure, the United States continually falls behind in literacy, mathematics and science test results (according to PISA), whereas our lesser spending Kiwi neighbour consistently achieves higher outcomes. It is not the expenditure that is the problem for the United States, but more so how the expenditure is distributed. According to some commentators:

America tends to tie up more of the resources in administration. There are more layers of administration and therefore less money getting into the classrooms in schools in many system… The place you really want to spend the money is as close to the classroom as possible.

The ALP’s pledge to fund an ‘Evidence Institute for Schools’ lacks attention to what is needed most—funding for schools and classrooms. Further, the effectiveness of this large sum of funding spent on an institute is premised on the notion that it will produce significantly more effective research than is already available.

Here’s what could be done

We believe providing funds for educational research is, indeed, invaluable and important. Many educational researchers in Australia would support a pledge for increased investment. However as we see it the current systems are not broken. There is already so much existing and emerging world class, independent educational research in Australia. The problem is, it is not being widely distributed or acted upon.

If Labor wants to do something about educational research, we would recommend investigating more efficient ways to encourage the uptake of educational research in our schools and universities. Schools and teachers reportedly find it difficult to access peer-reviewed journal articles, due to the cost of peer-reviewed journal articles. They can also be difficult to locate and employ quite dense language. It is important to ensure that existing research is readily translatable to classroom practise for time-poor teachers.

As we see it, Australia needs to improve overall accessibility of education research to the public. This could be achieved by researchers discussing their research or disseminating their research more broadly via public platforms. As academics such as Megan Boler reminds us, it is important for researchers to engage with the media and the public, in order to speak back to challenges towards democratic institutions such as education.

Education policy has a tendency be influenced more by populist politics, than by research, as James Lloyd and others have pointed out, but nevertheless there are specific steps that researchers can take. For example,

researchers have a responsibility to ensure non-technical summaries of their research are available, their publications are properly logged in searchable depositories, and to engage with relevant opportunities, such as calls for evidence from Parliamentary Select Committees.

If the Labor Party or the Australian Government are seriously looking for ways to move closer towards research-informed teaching and schools, they should start by promoting and distributing the world class educational research that Australian educational researchers are already producing.

 


Emma Rowe
is a Lecturer in the School of Education, Deakin University. Emma’s research engages with matters around school choice and privatization, global reform and critical policy studies. Her book, published by Routledge (2017) is entitled ‘Middle-class school choice in urban space: the economics of public schooling and globalized education reform’. Emma is interested in the role of public schooling within the market economy and how the consumer engages with public schooling in the market economy. Her research draws upon visual ethnographies to ensure that data is grounded in space. Emma publishes widely in peer-reviewed journals, and is currently serving as a Special Issue Editor for Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education. She has recently joined the editorial team for peer-reviewed journal Critical Studies in Education. Emma is on Twitter at @emmaelitarowe 

 

 Trevor Gale is Professor of Education Policy and Social Justice, and Head of the School of Education at The University of Glasgow. His research focuses on inequalities generated by and within education systems, drawing on a predominantly sociological imagination. His books include: Just Schooling, Engaging Teachers, Rough Justice, Educational Research by Association, Schooling in Disadvantaged Communities, Policy and Inequality in Education and Practice Theory in Education. With Russell Cross and Carmen Mills, he is currently contracted by Routledge to write ‘Social Justice Dispositions in Education’, drawing on their recent similarly named ARC project. He is co-CI on a current ARC project Vocational institutions, undergraduate degrees: distinction or inequality. He is editor of the journal Critical Studies in Education and of the book series Education Policy and Social Inequality. He is a past president of AARE and founding director of Australia’s National Centre for Student Equity in Higher Education, when it was located in Adelaide. He is a member of the Wales Education Commission. Trevor is on Twitter at @trevagale